“Like many New Jerseyans, election integrity is of utmost importance to me. All Americans want free, fair and secure elections and a system that maintains the public trust,” Chairwoman Hanlon said. “The NJGOP Election Integrity Task Force will work to help ensure that New Jersey’s elections are securely and fairly administered and help safeguard the integrity of the process.”

The NJGOP’s Election Integrity Task Force is comprised of Republican elections officials and election law experts from throughout the state. The Task Force will complement the Republican National Committee’s ongoing election integrity efforts in New Jersey.

Voting irregularities made headlines in New Jersey last week as the U.S. Attorney’s Office announced four new cases against non-citizens illegally voting in federal elections in New Jersey.

“How were non-citizens able to vote, and how did they end up on the voter rolls in New Jersey in the first place?” Chairwoman Hanlon said. “The Election Integrity Task Force could not come at a better time. I am proud to lead this group of Republicans to ensure fair elections for all New Jerseyans.”

In addition to Chairwoman Hanlon, who has served as County Clerk of Monmouth County since 2015 and as a Commissioner on the Monmouth County Board of Elections prior to that, other members of the task force include:

• April Bengivenga, NJGOP Committeewoman representing Middlesex County

• James Foerst, Esq., Secretary and Commissioner of Registration for the Union County Board of Elections

• Linda Hughes, Republican Administrator of the Burlington County Board of Elections

• Donald Katz, Esq., Republican State Committeeman representing Middlesex County and Counsel to the Middlesex County Republican Organization

• William Pallatucci, Esq., New Jersey Republican National Committeeman

• Donald Purdy, Commissioner of the Atlantic County Board of Elections and Atlantic
  County Republican Chairman

• Jason Sena, Esq., New Jersey counsel to Republican National Committee and counsel to the NJGOP

“We are taking an ‘all-of-the-above’ approach, as nothing is more important than securing our elections,” Hanlon added. “We were founded on self-governance, the belief that we can determine our representation and our destiny. As our nation approaches its 250^th birthday, we are aiming to make our founding fathers proud by doubling down on the safeguards of our most precious institutions.”

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The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

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Sauickie wrote the bill (A4008) in the Assembly, and it quickly picked up bipartisan support in the state Senate, where it has been introduced as S3638. It has strong support from advocates for those with IDD, Sauickie says. Sauickie, who along with his 12th District Assembly colleague Deputy Minority Leader Rob Clifton (R-Monmouth), helps lead a bipartisan coalition that recently hosted a statewide roundtable which heard emotional testimonies from families and advocates about abuse and neglect in group homes for disabled adults, CJN previously reported.

The legislation, the “Justice for Vulnerable Residents Act,” establishes an independent Justice Center for the Protection of Individuals with Intellectual or Developmental Disabilities, designed to strengthen oversight, centralize investigations, and ensure accountability in cases of abuse, neglect, or exploitation.

“This proposal is about protecting those who cannot always protect themselves,” Sauickie (R-Ocean) said. “For too long, families and advocates have raised concerns about fragmented oversight and inconsistent investigations. This bill brings real accountability, independence, and urgency to safeguarding some of our most vulnerable residents.”

The bill, introduced earlier this year, creates a Justice Center that will operate independently within, but not under the control of, the Department of Law and Public Safety which is headed by the state’s Attorney General. The Center will be responsible for investigating allegations of abuse, neglect, and exploitation involving individuals with IDD in state-licensed or operated residential and day programs.

The legislation is modeled in part on a proven framework used in New York and incorporates recommendations from advocates and the Office of the Ombudsman for Individuals with Intellectual or Developmental Disabilities and Their Families, who have long called for a more centralized and independent investigative structure. Former ombudsman Paul Aronsohn — the first, and so far the only, state-appointed advocate for people with IDD — suggested looking at the New York model as a means of improving New Jersey’s system.

Sauickie emphasized the broad bipartisan support behind the bill, noting collaboration with colleagues on both sides of the aisle in the Assembly and Senate.

“I want to thank all of the sponsors of this legislation, including my Democratic colleagues, for recognizing the urgency and importance of this issue,” Sauickie said. “Protecting individuals with intellectual or developmental disabilities should never be a partisan issue. The strong bipartisan support behind the bills sends a clear message: New Jersey is committed to doing better. I encourage my colleagues on both sides of the isle to join as co-sponsors in support of this important legislation.”

Under the legislation, the Justice Center will:

• Centralize and standardize investigations into abuse, neglect, and exploitation

• Establish dedicated criminal and civil investigation units

• Maintain and oversee the Central Registry of Offenders Against Individuals with Developmental Disabilities

• Provide enhanced transparency, reporting, and accountability

• Develop uniform training, policies, and oversight mechanisms across care settings

The bill also includes the creation of a specialized Medical Review Board to examine deaths from non-natural causes and identify systemic improvements to prevent future harm.

“This is about building a system that not only responds to incidents, but prevents them,” Sauickie added. “Families deserve peace of mind knowing that their loved ones are protected by a system that is independent, thorough, and accountable.”

The legislation has already garnered strong support from members of the IDD community, including families, advocates, and care providers.

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“For families like mine, this bill creating an independent Justice Center represents hope — hope that our loved ones will be safer, and that if something does happen, we will have answers and there will finally be real accountability. This legislation reflects years of advocacy, and will certainly offer families peace of mind and make a meaningful difference in the lives of people with disabilities.” — Joanne Curcio, member of the NJ State Policy Committee, New Jersey Chapter of National Council of Severe Autism, and the parent of a young adult with a developmental disability.

“The establishment of an independent Justice Center represents a critical step forward. This legislation creates a framework for enhanced oversight, investigation, and enforcement, ensuring that bad actors are held accountable for their actions, while strengthening protections for individuals with disabilities across New Jersey.” — Steve Setteducati, CEO of New Concepts for Living

Sauickie reiterated that this legislation represents a meaningful step toward long-overdue reform.

“Government has a fundamental responsibility to protect its people, especially those who are most vulnerable,” Sauickie said. “With this legislation, we are taking that responsibility seriously and delivering real reform that will save lives, improve care, and restore trust.”

The Assemblyman expressed confidence that the bipartisan momentum behind the legislation will help drive it to passage in the current legislative session.

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The investigation was conducted jointly by HSI Newark, HSI Los Angeles, and the U.S. Marshals Service, alongside international law enforcement partners. After authorities were notified that Israel was seeking to prosecute, coordination efforts led to his location and arrest. Pursuant to the U.S.-Israel extradition treaty, the Government of Israel requested a provisional arrest pending extradition, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Jersey obtained a provisional arrest warrant from the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey.

Farkash committed the acts while working as a teacher and director at Torat Hahyahim, a yeshiva in Bnei Brak, Israel between 2020 and 2023, according to court documents and the U.S. Marshals. The Asbury Park Press notes that Farkas started grooming one boy when he was 15, luring him with gifts and money, showing him pornography and telling him not to be ungrateful when he resisted his sexual advances, the complaint reads. According to charging documents, Farkash tried to sexually assault the boy on several occasions in Israel, including in a hot tub while at a bed and breakfast, at a waterpark, in a vehicle on a drive and in an apartment he rented. He tried to kiss and touch another teen boy in a car while on a shopping excursion, according to the charging documents.

Farkash fled Israel on Jan. 4, 2024 after the first victim reported him to a staff member at the Jewish boarding school.

“This arrest reflects the strength of international cooperation in pursing individuals accused of serious crimes, especially those involving the exploitation of minors,” said Nicholas Ricigliano, Acting U.S. Marshal for the District of New Jersey, in a release from the U.S. Marshals.

“We remain steadfast in our commitment to protecting New Jersey by enhancing border security and ensuring the United States does not become a haven for criminal fugitives,” said HSI Newark Special Agent in Charge Michael S. McCarthy in a release from ICE.

“Through robust collaboration with HSI Los Angeles, the U.S. Marshals Service and our global law enforcement partners, we proactively identify individuals who threaten public safety and diligently pursue justice for those accused of serious indecent acts against minors. The United States will not provide sanctuary to those seeking to escape accountability,” McCarthy continued.

The extradition matter is being handled by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the District of New Jersey in coordination with the Justice Department’s Office of International Affairs.

The U.S. Marshals Service has a longstanding role in supporting fugitive investigations through strong interagency partnerships. These efforts have led to the development of both permanent and ad hoc task forces designed to respond to cases posing immediate threats to public safety. In 2025, U.S. Marshals Service-led fugitive task forces arrested more than 73,000 fugitives and cleared nearly 88,000 warrants nationwide.
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Authorities have identified 31-year-old Cole Allen as the suspect who breached security at the Washington Hilton, wounding a Secret Service agent before being tackled. The FBI has moved to secure the suspect’s home in Torrance, California.

Authorities said the suspect carried multiple weapons into the hotel, underscoring the severity of the breach and leaving agents only seconds to respond and secure critical access points.

That urgency became clear just after 8:30 p.m., when gunfire erupted on the hotel’s terrace level, one floor below the hotel lobby and one floor above the International Ballroom, where guests were already seated for the evening program.

Within seconds, President Donald Trump was rushed from the stage as attendees took cover and security agents moved members of his Cabinet out of the room. By 9:45 p.m., he had left the hotel, arriving back at the White House just before 10 p.m., where he later briefed the press.

President Trump has called for a permanent return to White House-based events,

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The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

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The event also marked the official launch of the Bipartisan Legislative Disability Advocacy Coalition, a new unified initiative. Earlier this year, the Assemblymen and their staff, in partnership with a small group of advocate family members, developed the concept for this collaborative effort to unite families, advocates, nonprofits, and lawmakers from both parties. The Coalition seeks to build broad bipartisan support among legislators and policymakers to advance reforms that enhance care, safety, and quality of life for some of New Jersey’s most vulnerable residents.

Central to the roundtable were in-depth discussions on the following legislation:

• A4008: the Justice for Vulnerable Residents Act: Establishes the Justice Center for the Protection of Individuals with Intellectual or Developmental Disabilities. This independent center would investigate allegations of abuse, neglect, and exploitation in residential settings, providing stronger oversight and accountability.

• A4009: the Fair Funding for Vulnerable Residents Act: Requires certain providers of services to adults or children with intellectual or developmental disabilities to meet a direct care ratio, mandating that at least 70% of state and federal revenue be spent on frontline caregiving to improve staffing levels and care quality.

• A2705: Requires certain group homes to install electronic monitoring devices in common areas upon request and with uniform resident consent. Sponsored by Assemblymen DePhillips, Sauickie, and Freiman, and co-sponsored by Clifton, the bill promotes transparency, deters abuse, and respects privacy.

• Additional co-sponsored bills supporting the broader initiative include A4479 (school bus emergencies for students with disabilities), A2259 (allowing family members to stay with special needs patients in the hospital), and A2231 (mortality/abuse prevention advisory board).

“Today’s event was incredibly meaningful,” said Assemblyman Alex Sauickie.

“Seeing self-advocates, families, providers, and professionals come together from every corner of the state to launch the Bipartisan Legislative Disability Advocacy Coalition demonstrates the urgency and unity behind these reforms. For too long, families have shared heartbreaking stories. These bills, developed in partnership with advocates and former Ombudsman Paul Aronsohn, represent real, practical steps to protect our loved ones and restore trust in the system,” Sauickie said.

Assemblyman Rob Clifton added, “[the] strong turnout today—from Camden to Hunterdon—shows that New Jersey must prioritize the safety, dignity, and quality of life for individuals with special needs. Through the Coalition, we are building broad bipartisan support to advance these bills. We have made promising progress, but we need continued advocacy from families, guardians, nonprofits, and legislators to turn these vital reforms into law.”

The Coalition encourages everyone to get involved:

• Join the effort: Families, guardians, advocates, nonprofits, and legislators are all welcome.

• Speak out: Contact leaders in the New Jersey Senate and Assembly, committee chairs, and your legislators to request support and a vote on these bills.

• Contact the Governor: Urge her support for these critical reforms.

• Share widely: Spread the word through your networks, the press, and social media to build momentum.

Assemblymen Sauickie and Clifton, along with their staff, expressed deep gratitude to Manalapan Township for providing the Community Center for the event and to all participants for their passion and commitment. The Coalition represents a historic, collaborative push to deliver better outcomes for individuals with disabilities and their families across New Jersey.

At the conclusion of the program, it was announced that the Bipartisan Legislative Disability Advocacy Coalition will host an Advocacy Day at the New Jersey State House in Trenton on Monday, May 4, beginning at 9:00 a.m. More details will be released in the coming days.

“This event will bring together advocates to push for bipartisan support and passage of this critical legislation. We look forward to seeing strong bipartisan participation in support of New Jersey’s disability community,” said Sauickie and Clifton.

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Led by Chairwoman Christine Giordano Hanlon, the NJGOP has reached a step known as the “Leader’s Circle,” a title for earned by those who have met a set of standards to improve how it operates and prepares for upcoming elections, including 2026.

“I am proud to say we have met all of the benchmarks of the challenging RNC GROW program in a very short time period,” said NJGOP Chairwoman Hanlon. “We worked tirelessly to meet the program requirements, which will help us become more effective and organized. We are excited to move on to the next phase of party-building.”

“The NJGOP will continue to work closely with the Republican National Committee to continue our progress as a state party,” continued Hanlon. “We appreciate the support of the RNC and their State Party Strategies team as we focus on rebuilding, election integrity, training and strategy in 2026.”

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About the NJGOP
The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

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“The Working Families Tax Cuts is providing sorely-needed tax relief to New Jersey families,” said New Jersey Republican Chairwoman Christine Giordano Hanlon. “Thanks to President Trump and our New Jersey Republican Congressmen Tom Kean, Jr., Chris Smith and Jeff Van Drew, New Jerseyans are keeping more of their hard-earned money.”

New Jersey residents have also been positively impacted by the 300% cap increase on state and local tax (SALT) deductions, which has brought real relief for taxpayers from skyrocketing state property taxes during nearly a decade of Democratic control.

The child tax credit was also raised based on rising inflation so that it keeps pace with costs. Republicans have also made raising a family more affordable by establishing new investment accounts for children and expanding 529 education savings accounts.

“This landmark legislation not only prevented looming tax hikes, but it also provided major tax relief, especially for working families in New Jersey,” Hanlon added. “Unfortunately, Democrats in Trenton are going in the wrong direction when it comes to taxes, but they should take note. With the right leadership, it is possible to provide tax relief!”

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About the NJGOP
The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

The numbers are worth sitting with for a moment. Half of New Jersey renters are spending over 30% of their income on housing, a major red flag for household budgets. Among the state’s lowest-income renters, that figure climbs to 74%. Average rents hover around $2,500 a month statewide, even higher in the North Jersey counties bleeding into the New York metro area. The rental vacancy rate sits at a very low 3.6%.

There is no slack in this system, meaning prices can only go up.

The root cause is a chronic undersupply. Housing production has simply not kept pace with demand, throttled for decades by restrictive zoning, permitting delays, and construction costs that make many projects financially unviable before a single shovel hits the ground. Whatever policymakers do next has to address that undersupply directly. Anything else is political theater.

Case in point: the current legislative energy in New Jersey to implement restrictions on pricing algorithms—software tools some landlords use to set rents based on market data. Jersey City and Hoboken have already enacted restrictions on such platforms because the words “algorithm” and “AI” poll quite poorly, serving as effective scapegoats for the lack of housing supply. Governor Sherrill has pledged to sign statewide legislation if it reaches her desk.

The case against algorithmic pricing rests on the assumption that these tools artificially inflate rents. But rent is high in New Jersey because housing is scarce—not because of the software a landlord uses to price it. Jersey City enacted its restrictions and remains one of the most expensive rental markets in the country. The ban has no effect.

There’s a more overlooked argument in favor of these platforms, too. When pricing is driven by market data rather than the whims or biases of individual landlords, you get a more equitable, less arbitrary system. That matters for the small landlord, the immigrant property owner managing a handful of units, the retiree renting out a second home, who doesn’t have a property management team and relies on digital tools to stay competitive.

Genuine reforms are less politically satisfying but actually work. Housing gets cheaper when you allow more of it to be built, and cutting down on exclusionary zoning rules, mandatory parking minimums, low-density ceilings, and permitting wait times is the quickest way to do this. Doing the opposite has made New Jersey one of the most supply-constrained states in the country.

Development approvals in many municipalities drag on for years, with costs that compound and eventually land on tenants. Clearer timelines, modernized permitting systems, and fewer duplicative reviews would change that calculus.

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The evidence from other jurisdictions is hard to argue with. Auckland rewrote its land-use rules in 2016 to allow mid- and higher-density homes across most residential neighborhoods, sparking a wave of new construction and noticeably slower rent growth than the rest of New Zealand. Minneapolis ended single-family-only zoning citywide in 2018 and has since seen lower rents relative to comparable American cities.

Austin added roughly 50,000 rental units in 2023 and 2024 alone—one of the largest supply expansions among major American cities—and has watched rents fall more than 20% from their peak. The pattern is pretty predictable—build more, pay less.

New Jersey also has one advantage it hasn’t fully pressed. With a robust NJ Transit commuter rail network connecting communities across the state to New York and Philadelphia, the Garden State is uniquely positioned to embrace transit-oriented development—allowing greater housing density near train stations to reduce transportation costs for families, support local businesses, and maximize existing infrastructure. Research from the Regional Plan Association found that less than 22% of New Jersey’s housing stock is located in areas with the density needed to sustain viable transit services, leaving enormous room to grow. Mixed-income housing near transit can expand supply while ensuring workforce affordability.

With the playbook already mapped out by other jurisdictions, there is no need to reinvent the wheel. Employers depend on attainable housing to attract and retain workers, and overregulation that discourages housing investment risks pushing development—and jobs—to neighboring states. The only way out of New Jersey’s housing crisis is to build, not search for new things to ban.

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David Clement is policy director of the Consumer Choice Center and is based out of Oakville, Ontario.

David holds a BA in Political Science and an MA in International Relations from Wilfrid Laurier University. Previously, David was the Research Assistant to the Canada Research Chair in International Human Rights.

David has been regularly featured on the CBC, Global News, The Toronto Star and various other major Canadian news outlets.

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“Like many couples, Michael and I divorced over 20 years ago, and of course, during that process we had disagreements, as many couples do, but never physical. Michael was a good father to our child, and we remain friends to this day.”

It is worth noting that Mr. McGuire is a current member of the Navy reserve and still collects his pension from the NYPD, both of which would not occur had there been a domestic abuse issue. Having navigated single fatherhood during a time where most employers were not amenable to that life adjustment, Mr. McGuire managed to raise a son, remarry, and build a family and family law practice in Freehold. He now helps other couples navigate complex issues that once beleaguered him, turning struggle into strength.

Again, we don’t claim to be perfect and sometimes we get things wrong. Our Founder’s conversation with Mr. McGuire ended amicably and he wished Mr. McGuire well on his campaign.

CJN looks forward to bringing you more headlines as the midterms unfold, but with a much more cautious eye.

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Ferrante brings vast experience in New Jersey politics. His previous work includes serving as the Political Director for Jack Ciattarelli’s 2025 gubernatorial campaign, Campaign Manager for Nick De Gregorio for Congress, and a member of the Ciattarelli for Governor campaign team in both 2017 and 2021. Most significantly, Ferrante served as Political Director for the NJGOP from 2022 to 2023.

“I am very excited to be bringing on Luke Ferrante to serve as the Executive Director of the NJGOP,” said Chairwoman Hanlon. “Through his political work across the State of New Jersey, Luke has earned the respect and trust of party leaders and grass-roots activists alike.”

”He will be a great asset as we move our party forward,” Hanlon added.

“It is an honor to be back at the NJGOP in the role of Executive Director under Chairwoman Hanlon’s leadership,” said Ferrante. “With midterms less than 10 months away, I am eager to get work alongside her to make our party stronger and work towards a better New Jersey.”

About the NJGOP: The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

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“Despite Governor Murphy’s statements to the contrary, New Jersey is neither stronger nor fairer today than it was when he took office. Our state’s residents are certainly not better off now than they were eight years ago,” said Christine Giordano Hanlon, Chairwoman of the New Jersey Republican Party.

Republicans say that an affordability crisis, soaring taxes and skyrocketing energy costs are contributing to record-level outmigration. Murphy’s administration is also marked by the implementation of a school funding formula that led to drastic cuts to many public school districts, in some cases resulting in school closures throughout the state while increasing local property taxes.

“Under this administration, policies supported by Democrats in Trenton have made New Jersey less affordable for our residents,” Chairwoman Hanlon said.

“The Governor claims New Jersey is stronger and fairer, but the question remains: for whom?,” said New Jersey Senate Republican Leader Anthony M. Bucco. “The state budget has grown by $22 billion. Property taxes are up by more than $10,000 on average. Unemployment taxes are up. Payroll taxes are increasing, and more and more New Jerseyans are living paycheck to paycheck. Homelessness is rising, affordability is slipping further out of reach, and these should be flashing warning signs for anyone paying attention.”

“Instead, in the final hours of this administration, the Governor and legislative Democrats pushed through another $128 million in new spending on top of a budget that already carries a $4 billion structural deficit. The impacts of this reckless spending will not disappear; it will land squarely on the backs of New Jersey taxpayers,” said Senator Bucco.

Assembly Minority Leader John DiMaio pushed back on what Murphy portrayed as eight years of success.

“The reality is, if you want to lay out a legacy, people are going to remember him a lot differently than he sees it,” Assemblyman DiMaio said

“Going forward, Republicans will continue fighting to restore the American dream for all New Jerseyans and make our state a better place to live, work and raise a family,” said Chairwoman Hanlon, who took the helm of the NJGOP earlier this month with a plan to strengthen and expand the party.

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The New Jersey Republican State Committee is the official entity of the Republican National Committee and represents more than 1.6 million Republicans registered in New Jersey. For more information, visit NJGOP.org.

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In her remarks, Hanlon emphasized restoring confidence in and among republicans across the state. She pledged to be a “year round chair” and will not take a salary or stipend while at the helm of the party. The NJGOP under Hanlon’s tenure will focus on creating a cohesive apparatus for victory down the ballot and across the state, as well as establishing coalitions and an election integrity task force to take on the eroded trust in the electoral process.

”New Jersey is not a one size fits all state,” Hanlon said as she described what she envisioned as a “big tent” party that works for unity in mission and purpose. “We can no longer fight inward and must begin to fight outward,” she remarked.

Hanlon’s record includes building a strong GOP organization in Monmouth County, expanding Republican voter registration, and supporting victories up and down the ballot through grassroots organizing and candidate support. As county clerk, Hanlon championed modernization efforts, voter-access initiatives, and election integrity programs proving effective, results-oriented leadership.

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Throughout multiple videos across social media, Becchi calls herself a conservative leader, highlighting her defense of republican values and support of republican candidates, most notably through her organization, Jersey1st. No one knows what Jersey1st actually does and what tangible results their work yields other than technocratic policy-babble limited to their website and poorly-marketed (and attended) webinars. Framing it as some policy tool kit or strategic partner seems to be either a stretching of the truth, or they just plain suck at what they do.

Here’s what the alleged conservative republican leader did do: awarded District 30’s far-left Democratic Assemblyman Avi Schnall in December of 2024 for his leadership on education.

Becchi put the false shepherd Assemblyman and rabbi on a pedestal that would make Aaron and his golden calf blush. Schnall was vaguely hailed by Becchi and Jersey1st at a Holiday party for his “efforts to make New Jersey a better place to live, learn, work, and retire.”

Yes, the same Avi Schnall who later received Garden State Equality’s 2025 endorsement, voted for the Gov. Murphy’s budgets in ‘24, and ‘25 and opposed laws banning marriage before the age of 18, was honored by Becchi herself and Jersey1st for being a leader in education. That is precisely what Becchi did - honor the guy with creepy views on kids and who takes education points from Garden State Equality.

But for conservative Republican Ned Thomson in District 30 this year? Becchi did nothing. No funds raised. No social media syndicated. No phone call or email asking how she or Jersey1st can help.

Nevertheless, she has the unmitigated gall to say that she has credentials proving her fundraising and leadership prowess when she’s out here giving awards to one of the most radical (and, frankly, useless) democrats in the Assembly, knowing that he was a targeted seat by republicans the following year.

How do I know this, folks? I ran Ned’s race, which makes Becchi’s embrace of Avi and absence from the 2025 election overall even more frustrating now that she thinks she can lead our Republican party.

A former Assemblyman and Conference Leader, Ned was a principled conservative and a New Jersey success story, backed by every faction of our party, including chair candidate Christine Hanlon. After a 23,000-vote loss in the low-turnout 2023 cycle, we narrowed the margin to just 7,175 votes in 2025, despite record turnout in Schnall’s Lakewood in a gubernatorial year, defying the expectations of virtually everyone.

How? Republicans and conservatives of all stripes from across the state - some even from across the country - stepped in and stepped up to send one of the most qualified leaders back to the Assembly.

You know who did not step up to help take back Ned’s seat? Rosemary Becchi.

Seriously, with republicans like Becchi, who needs Democrats?

Look, I get it - there is a deep anxiety in our party right now. Jack lost. More Assembly seats were lost. We’re without a leader, and all factions of our identity-less party are, once again, as deeply divided as they were in the primary. Again, I look to the chair’s race with optimism and hope that the right candidate can unify our party and embrace the many talents folks in our party have to offer and build it into a stronghold of principled, conservative leadership over the next four years and beyond.

It’s not just a good idea or Pollyanna platitudes - it’s necessary for our party’s survival.

Nevertheless, facts matter and there has been far too much nonsense making it’s way across social media to only add to this anxiety and bring down good people who - God bless them, are more fearless than yours truly - want to rebuild our party which is deeply wounded.

Indeed, three of them - Hanlon, Lonegan, and WakeUpNJ’s Mike Currie - took time away from the holidays to meet the grassroots of our party this past Monday. The forum was organized and emceed by republican activist Mike Crispi, who gave the three candidates an opportunity to share their vision before a who’s-who’s of grassroots activists from across the state. While they may not have a vote on the Chair, these three thought well enough of our grassroots to meet with them and answer their questions.

Notably absent from this forum, with a lone empty chair awkwardly stationed at centerstage, was - you guessed it- Rosemary Becchi.

Joining her in absentia were those spreading bullshit posts on social media - grasping for straws as if there’s a clearance sale on them. (Once a new chair is elected they’ll most certainly flock to them as if they and their social media fanfare are some indispensable tool and beg for relevancy and some kind of recognition). The shitposters had an opportunity to come back from behind their screens and engage with folks, and even pose questions to the candidates - perhaps even ask the candidates about the crap they post about them.

But, like Rosemary did at the forum and for Ned Thomson, they elected to not show up and speak up, and that ultimately empowers Democrats. We definitely don’t need any more of that, and we certainly don’t need them leading our party.

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Mike De Robbio is the Founder and Publisher of CJN. Views expressed by him are his alone and do not represent CJN and its contributors. He can be followed here on Substack on X at (@_derobbio).

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The column, titled “Déjà vu? Would Becchi’s NJGOP make Spadea’s mistakes?”, argues that Spadea’s costly primary bid collapsed not for lack of money, but because too much of it flowed to consultants and too little toward persuading voters. The author places particular blame on Ocean County GOP power broker and tax felon George Gilmore and a network of political operatives tied to the campaign.

The column echoes a view held by some Spadea supporters who believe the campaign prioritized fundraising and consultant compensation over effective voter outreach. According to the column, the result was an expensive effort that failed to convert spending into electoral success. Rubashov also notes long-standing financial and organizational ties between Becchi’s Jersey 1st organization and Spadea-aligned entities such as the Common Sense Club and Elect Common Sense PAC—relationships that predate Spadea’s formal entry into the race.

The column suggests that some of the same consultants involved in Spadea’s campaign are now positioned to regain influence through a Becchi-led state party, prompting concerns among critics about whether the NJGOP could repeat past strategic missteps.

The piece also revisits national scrutiny of Spadea’s fundraising tactics following a February 2025 report by Politico, which documented repeated small-dollar donations from elderly, out-of-state contributors—some of whom said they were unaware they were giving to a New Jersey gubernatorial candidate. While the column acknowledges that such tactics are not unique to campaigns overall, it argues the controversy underscored deeper issues about campaign priorities.

NJGOP state committee members will meet on January 5th, 2026 to elect the new Chair. Lonegan, former Bogota mayor and a conservative activist, and Jersey1st’s Becchi, (the latter of which lost to then-Rep. Mikie Sherrill in 2020), are being challenged by Monmouth County Clerk and GOP co-chair Christine Giordano Hanlon.

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In the letter, Hanlon thanked Jack Ciattarelli and his team for their tremendous efforts, highlighting his work ethic and earning nearly 1.4 million votes from supporters all across New Jersey.

”This past election was a tough lesson but a valuable one, as it taught us that hard work alone will not be enough for Republicans to secure votes in today’s New Jersey,” wrote Hanlon.

Hanlon’s letter also brought attention to her strategic expertise and winning record and a model that could be adopted by the state party.

”I have not only achieved personal electoral victories by some of the largest margins in my county’s history, but I have also contributed to the success of countless candidates on federal, state and local levels,” wrote Hanlon, who in 2020 received 218,329 votes for Clerk, the most in Monmouth’s history.

Her vision includes engaging local grassroots volunteers and county committee representatives, creating an operation that appeals to a wide demographic, allocating annual investments in voter outreach efforts and building a Republican brand that attracts voters.

It is this strategy that has awarded Hanlon and Monmouth County success over the years, and a gain of over 30,000 new Republican registrations in Monmouth. Hanlon’s letter offered a five-part strategy that she will roll out on Day One, including:

· Strengthening and expanding the NJGOP

· Bolstering outreach and communications

· Leveraging education and training

· Elevating voter engagement

· Protecting election integrity

“I did not come to the decision to run for NJGOP Chair lightly,” writes Hanlon.

”Like many of you, I started on my journey in politics in New Jersey by volunteering on a local campaign. Since that time, I have served in various roles including municipal chair and club president for my hometown, grassroots organizer, campaign coordinator for numerous campaigns, co-chair of the Monmouth Republican Organization, and Commissioner on the County Board of Elections, among others.”

Hanlon has hosted and conducted multiple campaign and challenger trainings, assisted with election integrity issues, supported candidates and committees both financially and with grassroots efforts, and hosted rallies and events to energize volunteers and voters.

These strategic and financial investments “have propelled Monmouth to the top in-person, early voting county in the state for general elections, year after year,” says Hanlon.

The election for the NJGOP Chair will be held on January 5th, 2026.

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Hanlon is expected to face former Bogota Mayor Steve Lonegan, and Rosemary Becchi, who lost to then-Congresswoman Sherrill in 2020. Becchi is also the founder of Jersey1st, a think tank supported by Americans for Prosperity, a project of the notably anti-Trump Koch Industries.

Hanlon, a former prosecutor and distinguished attorney, has served as Monmouth County Clerk since 2015, winning each election cycle overwhelmingly. She has also served as a commissioner of the Monmouth County Board of Elections and as a state committeewoman. Hanlon recently won her election as Monmouth’s records chief by over 42,000 votes. She also fended off a primary challenge this year with ease.

As Mikie Sherrill’s transition team takes shape, staffed by a who’s-who’s of far-left technocrats and ideologues, the NJGOP will need to act as the top foil to incoming governor Sherill while also serving as the chief architect of rebuilding a party desperate for a win and an identity. Hanlon, alongside Chairman Shaun Golden, is largely seen as the driving force behind cementing Monmouth as republican stronghold over the last decade. Monmouth insiders consider her an indispensable strategist and the chief architect of county campaigns.

Hanlon is a massive proponent of digital media in both political and public service spheres. Under Hanlon, the Clerk’s Office launched free mobile elections app and comprehensive website for all of the County Clerk’s services, digitizing paper records and increasing electronic filing of property records. Hanlon will most likely leverage a dynamic digital campaign to combat Sherrill and Trenton Democrats and grow the party to attract crucial voting blocs, particularly Gen Z voters and younger in the same way that helped President Trump to return to the White House.

It is unclear when the vote among NJGOP state committee members will take place.

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The video centers on the wrongful termination suit filed by former Borough Administrator Scott Carew. Carew was fired in 2022 and later claimed his dismissal came after he objected to what he believed were improper and excessive legal bills from the borough’s labor counsel. According to public filings, Carew sought a $1.2 million settlement. The borough and its insurer countered near $100,000, and the two sides appeared far apart — until a sudden settlement was reached three days before trial and only 18 days before a control-year election.

The timing is what has residents talking.

The whistleblower’s video includes what appears to be an email from borough attorney Eric Harrison explaining why the agreement was not brought to a public vote at the September 21, 2025 council meeting. The email references concerns from Council President Deanna Gunn — who also serves as vice chair of the Monmouth County Democrats — that the settlement could be “politically weaponized” during campaign season. Critics argue that keeping the settlement from public view may have protected Gunn and boosted Democratic candidates Megan Taraskiewicz and Daniel DeZaio.

The whistleblower’s claims are fueling concern that taxpayer funds may have been deployed to avoid public scrutiny in the final days before voters went to the polls. Some residents are now calling for a full accounting of how and why the deal was reached.

Carew’s underlying allegations were previously reported by the Asbury Park Press, and his lawsuit seeks compensatory and punitive damages, as well as attorney’s fees. Borough officials have not publicly commented on the whistleblower video or the timing of the settlement.

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Residents of Matawan have observed a troubling pattern in the current Council Majority’s governance. Questionable tax breaks and deals for developers, such as the recent $85,000 reduction for the owner of 126 Main Street/Key Foods and the opaque circumstances that lead to the 160 Main Street “monstrosity” lawsuit and “forced” settlement just months ago, raise concerns. The Mayor and Council Majority attribute that decision to a mysterious “shadowy figure” exploiting Affordable Housing Mandates.

Coupled with their increasingly evident close ties to Food & Water Watch, residents are left questioning: Who is truly in control of Matawan?

What is Food & Water Watch? The latest interloper in this saga of questionable decisions.

In August 2025, the Council held a public hearing on submitting an application to the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) for Water Infrastructure Improvement Program (WIPA) approval. This key step would empower the Borough to negotiate the sale of its crumbling utility sustem for a premium price – far better than the constraints of a ballot referendum – potentially unlocking unprecedented benefits for taxpayers, infrastructure upgrades, and long-term fiscal relief. Yet, the proceedings were hijacked by aggressive opposition from an out-of-town agitator representing Food & Water Watch, who sought to override the will of local taxpayers and sow fear about corporate involvement.

Who was this obnoxious interloper, inflaming residents against a decision many support as a pragmatic path forward? And why is a national special-interest group so invested in blocking Matawan’s home-rule autonomy? The answers are emerging, and they’re troubling. Despite the Council’s unanimous vote to “explore all options” and advance the WIPA process, evidence now suggests the Majority has been quietly collaborating with Food & Water Watch to sabotage the sale entirely.

But why cling to a notorious money pit – a utility plagued by leaks, breakdowns, and escalating repair costs – when divesting could deliver a clear “win” for the Borough, slashing taxes and funding vital community needs for the first time in Matawan’s recent history?

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Matawan’s water and sewer systems are indisputably failing: outdated pipes burst regularly, treatment facilities lag behind modern standards, and ratepayers foot the bill for endless Band-Aid fixes. Selling to a regulated private operator isn’t about handing over control to “greedy corporations” – it’s about leveraging expertise and capital to modernize infrastructure while injecting millions into Borough coffers. Yet Food & Water Watch’s fearmongering campaign paints this as a dystopian handover, ignoring the real-world successes in nearby towns where similar transitions have stabilized services and reduced burdens on locals.

To understand the threat, we must examine Food & Water Watch’s shady history – a track record of misinformation, dark money opacity, and radical activism that masquerades as environmentalism while undermining energy security, scientific consensus, and community choice.(1)

Founded as a spin-off from Ralph Nader’s Public Citizen in 2005, the group has ballooned to a $14 million annual operation, but refuses to disclose the full sources behind its funding, fueling accusations of dark money manipulation.(2)

Critics, including the Center for Public Integrity, have exposed how FWW decries “dark money” in politics while funneling untraceable dollars into elections and advocacy, often through opaque networks that shield donors.(3)

FWW’s playbook is predictable: fabricate facts to scare communities into submission. They’ve been slammed for peddling bogus claims about hydraulic fracturing (fracking) to ban a vital domestic energy source, funding astroturf local groups with foundation cash to simulate grassroots outrage.(3)

In 2017, they launched a secretive $14 million ad blitz in New York to kill clean nuclear energy subsidies, bankrolled by undisclosed funders intent on sabotaging reliable power in favor of weather-dependent renewables.(4)

More recently, they’ve opposed hydrogen fuel cells – a promising clean technology – in favor of resource-intensive battery storage, drawing fire for spreading FUD (fear, uncertainty, doubt) while soliciting donations.(5)

Politically, FWW is a far-left powerhouse. Rated “left biased” with “mixed” factual reporting by Media Bias/Fact Check for rejecting scientific consensus on GMOs, pesticides, and energy, they advocate total bans on fracking, nuclear, and conventional agriculture in pursuit of a 100% renewable utopia that ignores economic fallout.(5)

Their 501(c)(4) arm, Food & Water Action, endorses progressive candidates, lobbies for socialist-leaning policies like shutting down factory farms and ending “corporate control” of essentials, and has poured over $64,000 into 2023 campaigns alone.(6) Board member Maude Barlow, the self-styled “Water Czar” with no scientific credentials, advises the UN on hydrology while FWW sues the EPA and spreads anti-biotech hysteria.(7) They’ve even been accused of conning taxpayers by exploiting charitable loopholes for political warfare.(8)

In New Jersey, FWW’s anti-privatization crusade has meddled in local decisions, from Gloucester Township’s $143 million wastewater sale to battles in Allendale and South Orange, where they’ve hyped rate hikes while ignoring public systems’ failures.(9)

Now, they’re targeting Matawan, agitating against a WIPA process that empowers negotiation over knee-jerk referendums – all to preserve a “public” utility that’s anything but: a crumbling liability draining Borough resources.

How do we know the Mayor’s Majority Is playing footsie with Food and Water Watch to fear monger in spite of voting unanimously to move forward? They admit it in Social media posts.

(Continued below)

It now appears FWW is not merely seeking to interfere with Matawan resident’s local decision making autonomy. They are seeking to rig the outcome of the Borough Council elections in THEIR favor by working hand and hand with the Council Majority.

Residents deserve transparency. Why is the Council cozying up to this out-of-state radical outfit? What hidden agendas are at play, and who benefits from keeping Matawan shackled to a failing system? The special deal for Developers, including the 160 Main Street settlement already exposed a pattern of deference to unseen forces – is Food & Water Watch the latest puppet master?

Matawan taxpayers built this town through hard work and common sense, not D.C. dogma. It’s time to demand a full accounting: no more shadowy deals, no more fear tactics. An ever increasing number of residents support exploring our options through the WIPA process.

Residents of Matawan need to reclaim control and ask the tough question: *Who is REALLY selling out Matawan? *

Sources utilized:

(1) http://environmentalprogress.org

(2) http://environmentalprogress.org

(3) http://publicintegrity.org

(4) http://activistfacts.com

(5) http://biggreenradicals.com

(6) http://reddit.com

(7) http://mediabiasfactcheck.com

(8) http://influencewatch.org

(9) http://activistfacts.com

(10) http://naturalgasnow.org

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The New Jersey Globe reported in April 2025 that an Uber-backed PAC will spend over $1 million on the November election. Uber has previously committed $500,000 to Kitchen Table Conservatives, a PAC supporting republican Jack Ciattarelli, but has also sent the same amount to Stand Together NJ, and Sherill-aligned PAC, and has sent $1,000,000 to Workers for a Better New Jersey, a PAC that supported far-left Jersey City Mayor Steve Fulop.

Uber’s presence has become an invisible hand in the urban real estate equation: rarely building housing itself, but deeply influencing the conditions that determine where and for whom cities or soon-to-be cities are built. While this can be seen as traditional civic engagement, the tech giant could be quietly positioning itself to cash in on New Jersey’s next wave of housing mandate deals by influencing candidates.

Uber’s influence on large-scale development and affordable housing has been subtle but significant across the country—felt more through policy ripple effects than direct investment. While the company has occasionally partnered with community organizations like Habitat for Humanity or subsidized rides for residents in affordable housing complexes, its core business model has often intersected with urban development in more complex ways. City planners and researchers note that Uber’s expansion has reshaped transit patterns, reduced reliance on public transportation, and in some cases spurred gentrification pressures around high-demand corridors.

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