No confusion. No complexity. No politics.

After eight years, the Democrats in charge in Trenton know exactly what New Jersey’s school funding formula is doing, and they are choosing not to fix it. Your children are paying the price.

When the S2 school funding formula was passed in 2018, it was sold as a fair and responsible way to allocate state aid. It was sponsored by leading Democrats, specifically now Senate Majority Leader and Newark legislator Teresa Ruiz, and signed into law with promises of equity. What it actually did was trigger a massive redistribution of funding that has hollowed out dozens of school districts—particularly in rural, suburban, and shore communities, while locking in long-term instability.

As an example, Toms River now gets less than $2,000 per student in state aid while Newark is approaching $35,000.

And here’s the part no one can ignore anymore: we’ve now had eight years to fix it.

For eight years, school districts have warned Trenton exactly what would happen. Parents have shown up, year after year, demanding answers.

Superintendents and boards of education have laid out the numbers in plain terms: the math does not work. Legislators, myself included, have introduced legislation to stabilize funding, reform the formula, and prevent the worst of the damage.

Still, nothing meaningful has changed.

Across New Jersey, districts have been forced into decisions no community should have to make. Teachers have been laid off. Class sizes have grown. Programs have been cut. Extracurriculars have been eliminated. Schools have closed entirely. These are not hypothetical outcomes, they are happening right now, and they have been happening since Ruiz and her colleagues put S2 in motion.

In communities from Jackson to Jefferson, West Milford to Washington, and others across the state, the cumulative impact of S2 has meant tens of millions of dollars stripped from suburban and urban schools. The result is not efficiency. It is erosion. It is the slow dismantling of public education in places that have done nothing wrong except follow the rules and plan responsibly.

And yet, just this past month, the current administration made it clear: there will be no fix this year.

After nearly a decade of damage, after repeated warnings, legislative proposals, and real consequences for real families, the answer is still “not now.”

Why?

Because this isn’t a mistake. It’s a policy choice. And yes, it’s a political choice. It was from the start.

The architects of S2 understood exactly what they were doing. They phased the formula in over multiple years to soften the immediate impact while ensuring the long-term shift would take hold. They knew certain districts would lose millions annually. They knew local taxpayers would be forced to make up the difference or watch their schools decline. And they knew that once those changes were fully implemented, reversing them would become politically and financially difficult.

That is exactly where we are today.

We were told this was about fairness. But there is nothing fair about a system where your tax dollars are redirected away from your community, your schools, your schoolchildren, and are told to do more with less, while your children lose opportunities year after year.

State aid is not a gift, it is your money being returned to educate your children. Under S2, that basic principle was abandoned. As an example, while Jackson’s parents contribute $70 million annually in income taxes and get $22 million back in state aid, Newark whose residents contribute $44 million in income tax is expected to get almost $1.4 BILLION in state aid this year. That’s not only the most state aid in NJ, that’s in the top 10 in the entire country for one school district!

There have been solutions. There have been proposals to cap losses, stabilize aid, and modernize the formula to reflect real-world conditions. Those ideas have not failed because they lack merit. They have failed because addressing the problem would require acknowledging that the system itself is flawed.

And that is the truth Trenton continues to avoid.

So we are left with a reality that is as frustrating as it is undeniable: the continued decline of these school districts is not happening because it cannot be fixed. It is happening because it is not being fixed.

That distinction matters.

Because if something is broken and ignored, that is negligence. But if something is known to be broken, repeatedly highlighted, and still left in place, that becomes intentional.

How many more schools need to close? How many more teachers need to leave? How many more programs need to disappear before the people in charge decide enough is enough?

For the families I represent—and for families across New Jersey—that point has already been reached.

Your children deserve better.

And it is time for the people who caused this to stop pretending otherwise, take responsibility, and let the rest of us finally fix it.

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Assemblyman Alex Sauickie represents thirteen municipalities across Monmouth, Middlesex, Ocean, and Burlington counties in the New Jersey General Assembly. Follow him on Facebook (@AssemblymanAlex), Instagram (@AssemblymanAlex), X (@AlexSauickie) or visit AssemblymanAlex.com.

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The numbers are worth sitting with for a moment. Half of New Jersey renters are spending over 30% of their income on housing, a major red flag for household budgets. Among the state’s lowest-income renters, that figure climbs to 74%. Average rents hover around $2,500 a month statewide, even higher in the North Jersey counties bleeding into the New York metro area. The rental vacancy rate sits at a very low 3.6%.

There is no slack in this system, meaning prices can only go up.

The root cause is a chronic undersupply. Housing production has simply not kept pace with demand, throttled for decades by restrictive zoning, permitting delays, and construction costs that make many projects financially unviable before a single shovel hits the ground. Whatever policymakers do next has to address that undersupply directly. Anything else is political theater.

Case in point: the current legislative energy in New Jersey to implement restrictions on pricing algorithms—software tools some landlords use to set rents based on market data. Jersey City and Hoboken have already enacted restrictions on such platforms because the words “algorithm” and “AI” poll quite poorly, serving as effective scapegoats for the lack of housing supply. Governor Sherrill has pledged to sign statewide legislation if it reaches her desk.

The case against algorithmic pricing rests on the assumption that these tools artificially inflate rents. But rent is high in New Jersey because housing is scarce—not because of the software a landlord uses to price it. Jersey City enacted its restrictions and remains one of the most expensive rental markets in the country. The ban has no effect.

There’s a more overlooked argument in favor of these platforms, too. When pricing is driven by market data rather than the whims or biases of individual landlords, you get a more equitable, less arbitrary system. That matters for the small landlord, the immigrant property owner managing a handful of units, the retiree renting out a second home, who doesn’t have a property management team and relies on digital tools to stay competitive.

Genuine reforms are less politically satisfying but actually work. Housing gets cheaper when you allow more of it to be built, and cutting down on exclusionary zoning rules, mandatory parking minimums, low-density ceilings, and permitting wait times is the quickest way to do this. Doing the opposite has made New Jersey one of the most supply-constrained states in the country.

Development approvals in many municipalities drag on for years, with costs that compound and eventually land on tenants. Clearer timelines, modernized permitting systems, and fewer duplicative reviews would change that calculus.

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The evidence from other jurisdictions is hard to argue with. Auckland rewrote its land-use rules in 2016 to allow mid- and higher-density homes across most residential neighborhoods, sparking a wave of new construction and noticeably slower rent growth than the rest of New Zealand. Minneapolis ended single-family-only zoning citywide in 2018 and has since seen lower rents relative to comparable American cities.

Austin added roughly 50,000 rental units in 2023 and 2024 alone—one of the largest supply expansions among major American cities—and has watched rents fall more than 20% from their peak. The pattern is pretty predictable—build more, pay less.

New Jersey also has one advantage it hasn’t fully pressed. With a robust NJ Transit commuter rail network connecting communities across the state to New York and Philadelphia, the Garden State is uniquely positioned to embrace transit-oriented development—allowing greater housing density near train stations to reduce transportation costs for families, support local businesses, and maximize existing infrastructure. Research from the Regional Plan Association found that less than 22% of New Jersey’s housing stock is located in areas with the density needed to sustain viable transit services, leaving enormous room to grow. Mixed-income housing near transit can expand supply while ensuring workforce affordability.

With the playbook already mapped out by other jurisdictions, there is no need to reinvent the wheel. Employers depend on attainable housing to attract and retain workers, and overregulation that discourages housing investment risks pushing development—and jobs—to neighboring states. The only way out of New Jersey’s housing crisis is to build, not search for new things to ban.

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David Clement is policy director of the Consumer Choice Center and is based out of Oakville, Ontario.

David holds a BA in Political Science and an MA in International Relations from Wilfrid Laurier University. Previously, David was the Research Assistant to the Canada Research Chair in International Human Rights.

David has been regularly featured on the CBC, Global News, The Toronto Star and various other major Canadian news outlets.

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Throughout multiple videos across social media, Becchi calls herself a conservative leader, highlighting her defense of republican values and support of republican candidates, most notably through her organization, Jersey1st. No one knows what Jersey1st actually does and what tangible results their work yields other than technocratic policy-babble limited to their website and poorly-marketed (and attended) webinars. Framing it as some policy tool kit or strategic partner seems to be either a stretching of the truth, or they just plain suck at what they do.

Here’s what the alleged conservative republican leader did do: awarded District 30’s far-left Democratic Assemblyman Avi Schnall in December of 2024 for his leadership on education.

Becchi put the false shepherd Assemblyman and rabbi on a pedestal that would make Aaron and his golden calf blush. Schnall was vaguely hailed by Becchi and Jersey1st at a Holiday party for his “efforts to make New Jersey a better place to live, learn, work, and retire.”

Yes, the same Avi Schnall who later received Garden State Equality’s 2025 endorsement, voted for the Gov. Murphy’s budgets in ‘24, and ‘25 and opposed laws banning marriage before the age of 18, was honored by Becchi herself and Jersey1st for being a leader in education. That is precisely what Becchi did - honor the guy with creepy views on kids and who takes education points from Garden State Equality.

But for conservative Republican Ned Thomson in District 30 this year? Becchi did nothing. No funds raised. No social media syndicated. No phone call or email asking how she or Jersey1st can help.

Nevertheless, she has the unmitigated gall to say that she has credentials proving her fundraising and leadership prowess when she’s out here giving awards to one of the most radical (and, frankly, useless) democrats in the Assembly, knowing that he was a targeted seat by republicans the following year.

How do I know this, folks? I ran Ned’s race, which makes Becchi’s embrace of Avi and absence from the 2025 election overall even more frustrating now that she thinks she can lead our Republican party.

A former Assemblyman and Conference Leader, Ned was a principled conservative and a New Jersey success story, backed by every faction of our party, including chair candidate Christine Hanlon. After a 23,000-vote loss in the low-turnout 2023 cycle, we narrowed the margin to just 7,175 votes in 2025, despite record turnout in Schnall’s Lakewood in a gubernatorial year, defying the expectations of virtually everyone.

How? Republicans and conservatives of all stripes from across the state - some even from across the country - stepped in and stepped up to send one of the most qualified leaders back to the Assembly.

You know who did not step up to help take back Ned’s seat? Rosemary Becchi.

Seriously, with republicans like Becchi, who needs Democrats?

Look, I get it - there is a deep anxiety in our party right now. Jack lost. More Assembly seats were lost. We’re without a leader, and all factions of our identity-less party are, once again, as deeply divided as they were in the primary. Again, I look to the chair’s race with optimism and hope that the right candidate can unify our party and embrace the many talents folks in our party have to offer and build it into a stronghold of principled, conservative leadership over the next four years and beyond.

It’s not just a good idea or Pollyanna platitudes - it’s necessary for our party’s survival.

Nevertheless, facts matter and there has been far too much nonsense making it’s way across social media to only add to this anxiety and bring down good people who - God bless them, are more fearless than yours truly - want to rebuild our party which is deeply wounded.

Indeed, three of them - Hanlon, Lonegan, and WakeUpNJ’s Mike Currie - took time away from the holidays to meet the grassroots of our party this past Monday. The forum was organized and emceed by republican activist Mike Crispi, who gave the three candidates an opportunity to share their vision before a who’s-who’s of grassroots activists from across the state. While they may not have a vote on the Chair, these three thought well enough of our grassroots to meet with them and answer their questions.

Notably absent from this forum, with a lone empty chair awkwardly stationed at centerstage, was - you guessed it- Rosemary Becchi.

Joining her in absentia were those spreading bullshit posts on social media - grasping for straws as if there’s a clearance sale on them. (Once a new chair is elected they’ll most certainly flock to them as if they and their social media fanfare are some indispensable tool and beg for relevancy and some kind of recognition). The shitposters had an opportunity to come back from behind their screens and engage with folks, and even pose questions to the candidates - perhaps even ask the candidates about the crap they post about them.

But, like Rosemary did at the forum and for Ned Thomson, they elected to not show up and speak up, and that ultimately empowers Democrats. We definitely don’t need any more of that, and we certainly don’t need them leading our party.

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Mike De Robbio is the Founder and Publisher of CJN. Views expressed by him are his alone and do not represent CJN and its contributors. He can be followed here on Substack on X at (@_derobbio).

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Dear Editor,

As we approach the June 10 election, Monmouth County voters have an important choice to make—a choice not just about leadership, but about the future we want for our families, our neighborhoods, and our shared way of life. In today’s political turmoil, so much can feel uncertain. Now more than ever we must stand by the people whose steady hands, bold vision, and unwavering dedication have made Monmouth County one of the most vibrant, prosperous, and safe communities in America. That’s why it is essential we reelect Sheriff Shaun Golden, County Clerk Christine Hanlon, Commissioner Director Tom Arnone, and Commissioner Nick DiRocco—public servants who have consistently delivered results, not rhetoric.

Sheriff Shaun Golden has kept Monmouth County at the forefront of law enforcement innovation, combining firm leadership with compassion and common sense. He has strengthened public safety by modernizing emergency communications, promoting community policing, and championing programs that address mental health and substance abuse. Under his stewardship, our sheriff’s office is not only respected throughout the State, but also a model for others to follow.

County Clerk Christine Hanlon has ushered Monmouth into a new era of transparency and efficiency. She has made it easier than ever for residents to access vital records, vote securely, and engage with their government. Through digital innovation, she has streamlined services while protecting the integrity of our elections—an achievement that resonates far beyond party lines.

Meanwhile, Commissioner Director Tom Arnone and Commissioner Nick DiRocco have played a pivotal role in shaping Monmouth County’s economic renaissance. They have championed pro-growth policies that have supported local businesses, attracted investment, and created jobs. Through their leadership, Monmouth County has not only weathered economic storms—it has emerged stronger, smarter, and more self-reliant.

There is no other County in the nation that can compare.

Their vision extends beyond economics. Under their watch, our parks, services, and recreational programs have flourished. Families can enjoy world-class outdoor spaces, seniors stay active and connected, and children grow up surrounded by beauty and opportunity. From the trails of Holmdel Park to the greens of our championship- level golf courses, their commitment to quality of life is visible in every corner of this county.

Monmouth County is not just a place on a map, but a community defined by shared values: freedom, fairness, and faith in one another. These four leaders—Golden, Hanlon, Arnone, and DiRocco—understand what makes our county special. They live it. They serve it. And they fight for it. Reelect proven leadership to keep Monmouth County strong!

Sincerely,

Hon. Mary Pat Angelini

NJ Assemblywoman LD11, 2008-2016

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Red River Talc LLC, the subsidiary tasked with handling the thousands of lawsuits related to J&J’s talc-based baby powder product and alleged ovarian cancers in female consumers, has so far been stymied by two bankruptcy courts in other jurisdictions, as well as by plaintiff lawyers angling for a larger settlement package.

What’s at stake in this trial is not just the legacy of a household name like J&J, or the women who have been injured, but also the future of injury and liability law in the US. A lot could change about how courts deal with convoluted corporate structure, victim compensation an defense against frivolous claims.

Though the company’s settlement offer of $10 billion garnered overwhelming support from 83% of the plaintiffs in the combined case, far beyond the 75% required in bankruptcy law, lawyers representing the holdouts aim to question the legitimacy of the bankruptcy altogether. One such group, the Coalition of Counsel for Justice for Talc Claimants, has reportedly questioned whether the vote was held in good faith, and factions of legal firms representing plaintiffs have been suing each other in court for a larger share of the settlement payouts.

The validity of that vote, as well as the legitimacy of the Red River Talc LLC’s bankruptcy, will soon be decided on by US Bankruptcy Judge Christopher Lopez.

The process of a subsidiary bankruptcy to settle claims against a firm is nicknamed the “Texas Two Step,” a process of splitting the assets and liabilities of a single entity as laid out in the Texas Business Organizations Code. Under Texas law, and increasingly in other states, this legal process, officially known as a “divisive merger”, is meant to protect company assets if a specific business unit comes into debt or faces a civil lawsuit that threatens other parts of the company.

Many opponents of the Texas Two Step believe it relieves larger firms of responsibility when they face lawsuits, but it has the advantage of being able to process settlements more swiftly and disperse payments through a bankruptcy proceeding than in a typical court trial. The latter approach can last years or decades.

This maneuver also avoids the well-known phenomenon of a “race to the courthouse,” where successive injury lawyers begin advertising and recruiting for similar cases once a settlement has been paid out, hoping to net more business for their firms by attracting a larger class of plaintiffs. Allegations that some firms have outstanding payments to litigation funders who’ve backed the baby powder case only add to the complication with J&J’s case.

Because the trial is now in bankruptcy court, relying on accountants and number crunchers instead of scientists and expert witnesses, it would be most prudent to finally settle the case and have the bankruptcy proceed to pay the victims what they’re due.

Allowing the trial to linger without a satisfactory ruling only further complicates how courts can settle mass tort claims in the future. The outcome is likely to embolden law firms in targeting certain companies for their size and prestige rather than the legitimacy of any injury claims.

This has been evident from the ongoing backlog of asbestos exposure cases from decades ago, where most firms and executives involved, as well as any victims, have already passed away.

If consumers are legitimately injured due to a company’s product or its services, no matter how large, there should be every tool available to compensate them in the timeliest way possible.

The Texas Two Step offers a solution for compensating those who can claim injury while avoiding the worst of our highly litigious legal system and its perverse incentives for injury lawyers to always claw for more instead of taking care of their clients promptly. This case could determine whether justice moves at corporate speed or that of human lifespans.

Allowing a controlled process of bankruptcy to address pressing claims and dispense justice to plaintiffs who want closure is the only reasonable path forward. It’s reasonable, and fair, not just for victims of today, but for the future of America’s legal system going forward.

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Yaël Ossowski writes about legal reform and is deputy director at the Consumer Choice Center.

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Three truths remain unchanged:

1. A group of people who are not accountable to anyone should not be trusted by anyone.

2. Power without accountability invites corruption and self-interest

3. Only those who do not seek power for personal gain are truly qualified to hold it. From Conservative Principles to Political Opportunism

In 2022, the key figures that are now behind Bill Spadea’s Gubernatorial Campaign were once staunch defenders of conservative values. During Phil Rizzo’s congressional run, I served as Field Director, working to expose Tom Kean Jr.’s progressive voting record through targeted mailers, door hangers, and a website, realtomkean.com. This effort flipped thousands of voters and secured nearly 12,000 votes, placing second behind Kean.

However, these same individuals—once committed to exposing corruption—are now backing a candidate, Bill Spadea, who has hired Chris Christie aides to shape his platform, remains inconsistent on immigration and Trump, and has deceived candidates across New Jersey with false promises of financial support. Instead, these funds were funneled to George Gilmore, a key political insider and Senior Advisor to Elect Common-Sense PAC.

Who is George Gilmore?

Tax felon (lest we forget) George Gilmore is not just the Ocean County GOP chairman, he’s also a senior advisor to Optimus Partners, a Democratic lobbying firm led by Jeff Michaels and Phil Norcross, brother of Democratic power broker George Norcross. These connections have long stifled Republican progress in South Jersey, allowing Democratic influence to remain unchecked. Gilmore’s background raises major concerns:

1. Senior Advisor at a Democratic Lobbying Firm – Optimus Partners, run by Phil Norcross.

2. Connected to Democratic Power Structures – Served on the board of 1868 Public Affairs alongside Democrat Leroy Jones.

3. Tied to Chris Christie’s Establishment – Played a role in Christie’s transition team as Chairman of the Agricultural Subcommittee.

4. Power Consolidation – Simultaneously serves as Chairman of the Ocean County GOP, Chairman of Bill Spadea’s gubernatorial campaign, and Senior Advisor of Elect Common-Sense PAC.

A Massive Conflict of Interest

In 2023, Bill Spadea’s PAC, Elect Common Sense was launched, with promises to support conservative candidates with grassroots and financial backing. However roughly only 7% of its funds was given to local candidates. Instead, majority of the funds was given to George Gilmore and former Chris Christie aide, Bill Stepien. With Gilmore’s daily involvement in Spadea’s campaign and PAC, his deep ties to Democratic lobbyists should raise alarm bells for anyone expecting a genuine conservative movement.

Spadea’s Backstabbing: Abandoning Conservative Values

Bill Spadea built his reputation by claiming to fight corruption, yet his campaign is deeply entrenched with the very political insiders he once criticized. His ties to Gilmore, Christie’s inner circle, and other establishment figures reveal the truth:

• Chris Christie’s Influence: Stepien and Gilmore, both Chris Christie allies, are major beneficiaries of Spadea’s campaign funds

• Parental Rights Betrayal: Spadea turned his back on his strongest base by endorsing Senator Jon Bramnick for re-election in 2023, a politician who cosponsored the Freedom to Read Bill

Therefore, Bill Spadea sold out his principles the moment he decided to turn on conservatives and hire consultants who do not represent conservatism in New Jersey. Isn’t this the type of corruption Bill Spadea preaches that he stands against? Isn’t this the textbook definition of hypocrisy? What conservative values does Bill Spadea actually stand for and believe in as he allies himself with Chris Christie advisors, and anti-parental rights Senators like Senator Jon Bramnick?

So why did Bill Spadea align himself with George Gilmore?

The answer lies in, FOG- Fear, Obligation, and Guilt

1. Fear: From losing another race and fading into political irrelevance

2. Obligation: to spend more than $100,000 on Chris Christie affiliated insiders like George Gilmore and Bill Stepien.

3. Guilt: over past political failures, including Phil Rizzo’s unsuccessful gubernatorial and congressional campaigns.

The truth is, those running Spadea’s campaign once had the courage to challenge New Jersey’s most corrupt politicians. Now, they lack the ability to win without selling out to political insiders linked to Democratic power brokers like George and Phil Norcross.

Lobbyists shape policy and control access to power. Gilmore’s close ties to Democratic operatives raise an important question: Is Spadea’s campaign a Trojan horse designed to fail in the general election? Phil and George Norcross have endorsed Democrat Steve Sweeney for Governor, If Spadea wins the GOP nomination, Gilmore’s influence could ensure the general election is handed to Democrats—protecting their interests while paying off his own IRS fines.

If Republicans lose this race and fail to gain a legislative majority by 2026, the consequences will be catastrophic:

• No tax relief

• No protection for parental rights

• No rollback of burdensome regulations

• No effort to make New Jersey affordable again

Meanwhile, those orchestrating Spadea’s PAC and have already secured their escape plan— buying property in Tennessee, far from the struggles of everyday New Jerseyans.

The Path Forward: Holding Our Own Accountable:

No candidate in this race is perfect, but Bill Spadea is undeniably the most inconsistent and compromised. Can conservatives trust a candidate who:

• Lied to hundreds of candidates across NJ?

• Redirected campaign funds to George Gilmore instead of grassroots efforts? • Paid himself $65,000 from his own nonprofit?

New Jersey Republicans must wake up to the reality that no one is coming to save them. Until we hold our own accountable, the state will continue to suffer under Democratic control. The corruption within the conservative movement is a cancer, and attacking fellow Republicans over candidate loyalty only feeds the very system that is destroying the party.

This is exactly what Democratic lobbyists want—and why they have their hands deep in Bill Spadea’s campaign.

I urge gubernatorial candidates Jack Ciattarelli, Ed Durr, and Mario Kranjac to unite and hold Bill Spadea, George Gilmore, and Elect Common-Sense PAC accountable for the damage they are doing to the conservative movement in New Jersey. These individuals cannot be trusted—they have sold out the party for personal and political gain. The time to fight back is now. Strengthening the NJGOP requires standing up to political frauds, demanding accountability, and restoring integrity to our movement.

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Sara Razi is an award-winning medical freedom activist and the former New Jersey State Chair of Young Americans for Liberty (YAL). While at Rutgers University, Razi became a prominent leader in opposing COVID-19 vaccine and mask mandates, organizing rallies and petitions that drew significant attention. She also spearheaded the formation of the largest conservative and libertarian coalition on campus, bringing together Rutgers YAL and Rutgers TPUSA.

Known for her leadership, public speaking, recruitment strategies, grassroots organizing, and coalition-building, Sara has made a lasting impact in both political and community spheres. Beyond politics, she has experience as a Real Estate Law Executive Assistant for over two years and is currently a Realtor Associate and a Marketing Specialist, and member of the National Association of Realtors (NAR)

_________________________________

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What the mainstream media seems to ignore is Pallone’s pattern of pandering. Let’s take this slag issue as an example.

In 2009, the Raritan Bay Slag site was placed on the EPA’s Superfund National Priorities List. Come 2016, Pallone procured $7 million dollars from the EPA to begin cleanup. The slag that has piled up over those 17 years is unimaginable. In April of 2024, Pallone reintroduced the Superfund Polluter Pays Act, which would make superfund sites pay for the cleanup of the pollution.

That’s great and that legislation is something I would happily sign on to or introduce myself— but I wouldn’t wait until an election year to do it.

Did you catch that?

Pallone is the farthest thing from a proactive leader, and his money scheme is a ruse everyone falls for. Look at the above paragraph— all of those efforts were in election years. (The effort to get the superfund on the national registry began in 2008). This is typical of Pallone: he waits until election years when the spotlight is on him to whip up support with money and influence. He butters up police groups, higher ed, labor unions, and virtually any other group with federal money (which decreases year by year) from the summer until Election Day.

After Election Day? He does nothing and lets the extremist, pro-terrorism radicals in the Democrat party run wild, gaslighting millions of hard-working Americans, calling them “racist” and “unamerican.” Consider the atrocities of Hamas against our ally Israel.

A half-asleep Pallone wore a yellow ribbon during Prime Minister Netanyahu’s address in support of the hostages held by Hamas. Pallone has made no concerted effort to provide assistance to the hostages outside of empty platitudes on social media. He also failed to hold those in his own party accountable, like pro-Hamas Rep. Rashida Tlaib, for her disgusting actions during Netanyahu’s address.

All the while, Iran sits ready to strike at the United States and it’s ally.

In real-world America, we don’t have the luxury of professional laziness that Pallone has mastered. As a businessman, if the team I lead isn’t working at optimal levels or is slacking off, I don’t wait until HR catches me and then commit to changing things. I get fired, and a new leader replaces me.

We act like this isn’t a possibility in Washington D.C., but with enough effort, it can be a reality. We need leaders that stand up for New Jersey families every day, not just in the run up to elections. When toxic slag washes on our shores, we need to commit to accountability every day, not wait fifteen years and let public health risks fester because of political gridlock perpetuated by Pallone and other career politicians.

We need leaders who will go to Washington ready to serve and bring innovative solutions to today’s problems. People who let problems fester no longer become bystanders - they become the problem themselves. When it comes to issues like toxic slag affecting our families’ beaches, rising antisemitism, or Iran lusting for war, Pallone’s professional pandering could get us killed.

If Frank Pallone is truly concerned about accountability, maybe he should remove himself from the dais of political opportunism and instead look himself in the mirror— or we, the people, could take our power back.

We can elect someone who is a lifelong native of District 6 who will never tire of putting our families first, no matter the day or year, political opportunism be damned.

I’m ready to serve on Day One, and I would be honored to have your vote on Election Day.

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Scott Fegler is the republican candidate running in New Jerseys 6th Congressional District. Fed up with the professional political class, Fegler has a commitment to proactive leadership and will support policies that put Americans first. A lifelong native of District 6 and business executive, Fegler lives in Highlands with his wife.

His campaign can be found at Fegler2024.com and on both X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook.

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The need to focus on education, however, became strikingly apparent just a few months after I assumed office. That’s when Governor Murphy announced even higher than expected cuts in state aid to school districts I represent. 

As I dug into this problem and its history, I found out that the current state school funding formula is not only detrimental to numerous school districts in counties like Monmouth and Ocean, but was clearly implemented to get those very results.

In 2018, then Senate President Steve Sweeney, who recently announced plans to run for governor, sponsored Senate Bill #2 (S2). The propaganda behind S2, which the current governor signed into law, was to create a new, “fairer” public school funding formula. Despite numerous requests from elected officials, and even a lawsuit by a consortium of school districts (which they won), few details have ever been shared. Yet S2 is what determines state aid for each school district. 

Let’s also be clear about state aid to schools. “State aid” is effectively the proportion of your income tax dollars, that you already paid to the state, coming back to your children’s school districts. The problem with S2 is that rather than your tax dollars equitably going to your respective school district, S2 sends your money elsewhere. 

For example, in the most recent year of reporting, the residents of Jackson Township collectively paid $68 million in income tax. Of that, for the 2024-2025 school year, about $23 million came back from the Murphy administration to Jackson’s school children. That’s roughly one-third. Where did the rest go?

Well, if you thought that only one-third coming back was bad, wait until you hear this. Newark, which has roughly five times the population of Jackson, paid $44 million in income taxes versus Jackson’s $68 million. This year the Newark City School District is getting $1.25 BILLION in state aid. That’s where the rest of Jackson’s income taxes went. 

It’s also where the income taxes of the residents of Toms River, Brick, Lacey, Plumsted, Old Bridge, Long Branch, Asbury Park, Neptune Township, and almost 140 total school districts went as well. In fact, those 140 school districts collectively lost $104 million in state aid this year, while Newark received an additional $100 million this year alone, and for the second year in a row. 

So again, where did the balance of your income taxes go that didn’t go to your children’s schools? Almost dollar for dollar it went to Newark.

Newark now gets over $30,000 per student in state aid while Jackson gets $3,500, Brick $2,800, and Toms River, less than $2,000 per student. And if you hear the current administration say, well, it’s because those districts had major decreases in student enrollment, don’t buy it. 

In the last seven years, Toms River had a student enrollment decrease of 9%, but its state aid over the same period went down 59%. This doesn’t even consider the district’s increases in special education students and multi-language learner (MLL) needs, which like other districts mentioned, are up double and triple percentage points and require special teachers and smaller classes. 

The argument, of course, is that districts like Newark’s need extra funding to get the necessary results for their students. Over the past year, the metrics that show success unfortunately said otherwise. In Newark, 73% of students in grades 3-8 can’t read at their respective grade levels, including 90% of third graders who can’t read at third grade level. Clearly, throwing money at the problem isn’t working. 

Everyone wants to see the students of Newark do well. This shouldn’t be political. All students deserve the best education possible regardless of where they live. However, it becomes more obvious that Newark has a problem that needs to be addressed differently when teachers who live in my legislative district, but work in Newark, report a basement full of iPads for which money “had” to be spent but aren’t being used. 

In June, the Newark school district announced it was spending $12 million on a state-of-the-art security system. It’s not that the district didn’t have security, but it’s so cash-heavy with your money that it can afford the latest and greatest, while your children’s school districts are losing teachers, AP classes, sports teams, music and arts, clubs, and even entire schools. 

Even more recently, it was reported that the Newark Superintendent, with approval from the Newark Board of Education, threw a staff party costing $43,000. That money was spent in one day and would have restored the already cut Jackson boys’ hockey team, girls’ gymnastics team, and all the clubs in Plumsted for the ENTIRE school year. You can’t make this up.

What’s worse is this administration could have fixed this problem in any of the last seven years. An advantage of having the governorship and majorities in both the Senate and Assembly is having the power to change things with few roadblocks. I’ve tried to convince my colleagues to help these school districts on more than one occasion.

This administration decided not to do it because this funding formula was doing exactly what they intended it to do. It’s funneling your tax dollars to districts whose voters primarily support the current administration, while simultaneously destroying the districts of school children whose parents didn’t. Yup, it’s political. And remember, this is coming from the guy who often works across the aisle.

If you’re still not convinced that this was all by design, consider this. Out of the 21 counties in New Jersey, this year all but three received net increases in state aid. The three to see decreases, in order, were Ocean, Monmouth, and Cape May counties. They also happen to be three of the counties that least voted for this current administration. 

School children’s education should not be political. Unfortunately, this administration made it exactly that, and every resident should remember that when voting for governor and your local legislators next year.

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Alex Sauickie is a life-long Jackson resident who represents his hometown and 12 other towns in the State Assembly. Follow him on Facebook (/AssemblymanAlex) and on Instagram (@AssemblymanAlex) or visit his website at AssemblymanAlex.com.

From a political perspective, New Jersey and Virginia have a fair amount in common. As two of the few states with off-year state elections, politics stays at the forefront of people’s minds more than in other states.

In both states, last November’s elections were by and large decisive wins for the Democratic Party. In both cases, Democrats came away with a majority in both of their states' respective legislative houses.

Despite this, our Republican political consulting firm, JLK Political, had victories in six of our seven races– including a win in a mostly urban Biden +11 House of Delegates district. While New Jersey is a considerably more Blue state than even Virginia, there are lessons in our Virginia victories that could yield dividends for New Jersey Republicans.

Perhaps one of the most significant of these lessons is the principle of narrative control in communications. When running a competitive race in a district in which the partisan voter index is heavily slanted to the opposition’s party, too many candidates will attempt to craft arguments, compromises, and other persuasive rhetoric to convince voters to change their opinions on divisive hot-button issues.

The problem with this approach is that opinions on these issues are usually “baked”-- voters are, for the most part, rigidly cemented in their views on these issues. They  are unlikely to move on deep-seated and long held positions, especially given the limited amount of communication and voter engagement opportunities most campaigns will have with voters.

 A better approach is to focus on consensus, kitchen-table economic issues that highlight a candidate’s ability to tangibly improve the day-to-day lives of their constituents.

It is crucial for a candidate’s messaging (both directly and through consistent communication vehicles such as social media, mail, email, TV ads, etc.) maintain narrative control and are stalwartly focused on these kitchen table issues, regardless of what the candidate’s opponent (and even the candidate’s own party) is focused on in their messaging.

For Virginia Delegate Kim Taylor, our candidate who won in November in a Biden + 11 district, focused throughout her campaign on talking about her tangible accomplishments, such as the removal of a large, dilapidated and blighted building at the entrance of Petersburg, Virginia, and on her economic and entrepreneurial bona fides. This messaging resonated with her constituents, who are much more concerned with job creation and the issues that directly affect their wallets, than on more divisive issues that tend to dominate most campaign rhetoric.

But messaging is ultimately only as effective as the audience it reaches. In large part, determining the right audience hinges on successfully employing sophisticated and complex data research techniques to ascertain a race’s individualized circumstances and micro target accordingly.

But understanding the continually changing landscape of voter behavior and conditions is also crucial. Since the COVID pandemic and the widespread shifts in early voting and mail-in voting procedures, the strategies for winning elections have changed considerably. In New Jersey (as has been the case in races across the country), Democrats won many of their victories this last election after blowing out the mail-in votes.

Addressing this issue means not only implementing strategies to bring in a competitive share of the early and mail-in votes, but also recognizing the adjustments that are required in election day targeting. Traditionally, campaigns have focused their targeting on high-propensity voters (those historically most likely to vote in elections for their parties).

But these high-propensity voters are already tuned in and very likely to vote, regardless of GOTV messaging. Therefore, we shifted our voter engagement efforts to low and mid-propensity voters who would vote in a high-profile race, but might stay home in an off-year, midterm election. By reaching these voters with innovative, A/B-tested messages, we motivated this group of voters and solved our turnout problem.

Every race is different and there is no one-size-fits all answer to winning elections. But implementing sound, data-proven strategies and employing approaches such as those described here is crucial to bringing victories in even the most challenging races.

If New Jersey Republican candidates employ these approaches, it will lead to key victories that could shift the political landscape of the historically blue state.

__________________________

Jimmy Keady is the founder and President of JLK Strategies, as well as a partner at Point1. Keady has worked on and advised campaigns at every level for the past ten years. Keady has worked for federal agencies, JJ state house campaign caucuses, as a Chief of Staff on Capitol Hill, and as Senior Advisor for Members of Congress. In Virginia’s 2023 statewide elections, Keady won major contests throughout the Commonwealth, including an incumbent Republican in a Biden+11 District by 55 votes.

Long before I was afforded the title of President of the Middletown Board of Education,  I was blessed to be given the most important and cherished title that I hold closest to my heart:  Dad. 

My name is Frank Capone, and I am the father of 5 children who are part of the Middletown public school system.  Like many of you who may read this op-ed, I was insanely frustrated in 2020 with the prospect of having no say in the failed experiment we now know as virtual school.   With no end in sight and a board of education leadership that seemed quite content, I— along with my good friend Jacqueline Tobacco—decided to run for the Board to get our schools back to in-person learning.  

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The last three years have been very sobering for me as a board member.  If you put the interests of the children first, all should work out.  This would be true if we weren't led by an administration in Trenton that cares far more for special interests and political agendas than putting children first. 

We are blessed with a Governor who mandates rules (oftentimes to meet his radical political agenda) via guidance and executive orders without any legislative law. 

From masks to radically progressive sexual education mandates starting in early elementary to what a parent can and can't know that a teacher can,  the current administration has zero care for parental rights.  They trample parental rights under the guise of "they are all of our children." 

That's a bunch of bull.

Nobody knows what's best for their child better than their parents.  The state is trying to systematically dismantle that sacred bond we have at home.  We cannot let that happen. 

Parental rights are under attack, and it's only going to get worse.  As parents, we must continue to run for Boards of Education and support those candidates who are parental rights advocates.  Nobody will ever be a better advocate for your child than you.  Try as they may, the Governor and his administration will never be Mom or Dad to your child. 

They just need a constant reminder.

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Frank Capone is a proud father and the President of the Middletown Board of Education.